The last thing India wants is for Kashmir to be in the internationalheadlines. It would be an understatement that India is struggling tocontrol the inferno in the disputed territory and its global blowback. Thedevelopments of the last few days, including the damning UN report, themurder of Kashmiri journalist Shujaat Bokhari and imposition of governor’srule aptly summed up how the Modi government brought a new life to theKashmir movement.
The decades-old dispute would not have been in the international headlineshad Modi government not committed glaring blunders.
The 49-page report by the office of UN High Commissioner on Human Rightshas certainly put India on the back foot, although it has publicly rejectedthe world body’s findings. This was the first time a UN body conducted sucha detailed study of the precarious situation in the India-held Kashmir.What is even more significant is the fact that the UN rights chief wantsthe establishment of a Commission of Inquiry (COI) to look into theallegations of India’s gross human rights violations in the scenic valley.
Whether the UN Human Rights Council eventually decides to establish a COIor not, the fact is that India is fighting a losing battle in Kashmir. Thereason for the current precipice in the Himalayan region is the ‘muscularpolicy’ pursued by Indian PM Modi since he took over in 2014. The architectof this doctrine is National Security Adviser Ajit Doval. In addition tothe use of brute force in Kashmir, the Modi government also tried to changethe rules of engagement with Pakistan on Kashmir. For example, it cancelledthe scheduled talks between national security advisers in New Delhi afterthe Pakistani High Commissioner invited some Hurriyat leaders for a meetingin August 2015. In the past Hurriyat leaders not only regularly metPakistani diplomats in New Delhi but also travelled to Islamabad. Evenpro-Indian Kashmiri leaders used to frequently visit Pakistan when the twoneighbours had a sustained dialogue process from 2004 to 2008. Greaterinteraction between Kashmiri leaders from the two parts as well as withPakistani and Indian officials was one of the key confidence-buildingmeasures (CBM) meant to ease tensions. And that CBM had considerablychanged the atmosphere in India-held Kashmir. There was decline in violenceas Kashmiris were pinning great hopes on the dialogue process.
But Ajit Doval had different ideas. He thought that the best way to resolvethe Kashmir dispute was to use force. An identical tactic was applied inrelations with Pakistan. The Indian army was given a free hand to carry outindiscriminate firing along the Line of Control (LoC) and the WorkingBoundary. The Doval doctrine was simple — suppress the movement in thevalley and tell Pakistan forget Kashmir. But the plan has clearly nowbackfired as it has further ignited the already volatile Kashmir situationand made Pakistan all the more relevant. Thanks to India’s follies, today,Kashmir is back in the international limelight. Popular uprising is growingwith every passing day.
The worry for India is that unlike the past revolts this time young andeducated Kashmiris are becoming part of the movement. Saner voices in Indiahave admitted that Modi’s ‘muscular policy’ has only amplified theanti-India sentiments in the valley.
But despite these bitter realities, India by and large is still in a stateof denial. Because of its growing international clout, the so-callednationalists in India remain under the illusion that the country can fixthe Kashmir issue by the use of force. Many Indians would find itderogatory but their government sooner or later would be left with no otheroption except to seek talks with Pakistan. India has to abandon Doval’splan because only that will give it some breathing space in Kashmir.
BY: Kaman Yusaf