Islamabad, July 26, 2025 — Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar stirred controversy by declaring that he would be unfair to criticize Dr. Aafia Siddiqui’s imprisonment in the United States. While asserting that Islamabad has “tried everything” to secure clemency, Dar’s remarks have drawn swift criticism amid mounting judicial scrutiny over the government’s weak and lethargic response to the decades‑long case.
In October 2024, Dar acknowledged that despite Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif writing directly to then‑US President Joe Biden seeking humanitarian relief, and forming a committee to lobby US parliamentarians, these efforts had “not borne fruit” . Yet critics argue this amounts to little more than symbolic gestures, without traction or urgency.
The Islamabad High Court (IHC) has repeatedly condemned the federal administration’s inaction. In September 2024 the court slammed Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs for delaying contact with US lawyers critical to filing an amicus curiae brief, calling the delay an “unfortunate display of cowardice” and granting a deadline of September 30 to decide on participation .
As recently as July 1, 2025, the government declined to file the amicus brief altogether, failing to explain its refusal when questioned in court by Justice Sardar Ejaz Ishaq Khan . And on July 12, the IHC expressed profound dissatisfaction with the government’s failure to submit a legally mandated report on Siddiqui’s health, repatriation, and release efforts, warning it could issue contempt notices against the entire cabinet, including the prime minister .
Only after this judicial admonition did Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif meet with Dr. Fouzia Siddiqui on July 25, 2025, pledging renewed “legal and diplomatic support” and emphasizing the government is “in no way negligent” in dealings concerning Aafia Siddiqui .
While Islamabad’s messaging stresses commitment, legal analysts and human rights advocates note a glaring absence of strategy. The government has neither joined legal proceedings in the United States nor provided consistent transparency or direction to Dr. Siddiqui’s legal team. Worse, it has hesitated to offer meaningful support to filings such as compassionate release motions crafted by her lawyers .
With Dr. Siddiqui serving an 86-year sentence at FMC Carswell in Texas since her 2010 conviction, concerns over her deteriorating physical and mental health persist . Yet Pakistan’s actions have been perceived as reactive rather than proactive, with efforts emerging largely under judicial pressure, not diplomatic initiative.
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In Pakistan, Dr. Siddiqui has become a symbol of a state failing to protect its citizens abroad. Thousands have protested her imprisonment, viewing it as emblematic of injustice, and some human rights advocates—including her legal camp—have warned of potential self-harm if conditions do not improve .
But beyond public statements and petitions—some spearheaded by civil society and her sister, Dr. Fouzia Siddiqui—the government’s contribution remains limited. Critically, no concrete legal mechanism or high‑level lobbying campaign has emerged to engage US authorities meaningfully.
Dar’s comment that criticizing Dr. Siddiqui’s imprisonment would be “unfair” rings hollow when the government has largely abdicated its duty to lead the case. Despite acknowledgments of efforts, Islamabad has consistently fumbled critical legal opportunities and left her defense largely in the hands of international advocates.
With the IHC threatening contempt proceedings, Pakistan risks not only legal embarrassment but moral failure before its own conscience. If Dr. Siddiqui is to see any hope of release—or at least humane treatment—Pakistan’s government must move beyond rhetoric and court coercion to real, sustained, strategic engagement.